Плетнев Александр Владиславович. ЭВРИСТИЧЕСКИЙ ПОТЕНЦИАЛ СТРАТЕГИИ ТРАМПА В РАЗВИТИИ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ КОММУНИКАЦИИ

Плетнев Александр Владиславович,

Санкт-Петербургский государственный институт психологии

 и социальной работы,

доцент кафедры теории и технологии социальной работы

к.соц.н,

Alexandr V. Pletnev

St. Petersburg State Institute of Psychology and Social Work

Ph.D. (Sociology), Associate Professor at the Department of Theory and Technology of Social Work of

E-mail: venger.vin@rambler.ru

УДК — 327

ЭВРИСТИЧЕСКИЙ ПОТЕНЦИАЛ СТРАТЕГИИ ТРАМПА В РАЗВИТИИ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ КОММУНИКАЦИИ

Аннотация: В условиях сверхсовременного общества западного типа политические процессы характеризуются существенным разрывом между политическими элитами и основной массой населения. В этих условиях массы избирателей не принимают решения власти и ощущают себя оторванными от политического процесса. Существенные разногласия по базовым вопросам общественной жизни формируют два параллельных политических дискурса: массовый и элитарный.  Попытка политических элит навязать населению свою повестку через СМИ формирует у населения недоверие к политике вообще. Эта проблема была осмыслена Дональдом Трампом и использована им для создания принципиально новой стратегии политической коммуникации. Данная стратегия исходит из потребностей населения, она состоит в обращении к избирателю на привычном ему языке в рамках свойственного ему дискурса. Эта стратегия отказывается от постмодернистского понимания экономики и культуры как пространства статусного потребления. Она исходит из традиционного, классического понимания экономики. Представленная в данной статье тема имеет реальную научную новизну, она может быть интересна широкому кругу теоретиков и практиков политики.

Ключевые слова: стратегия Трампа, политические коммуникации, аномия, неокапитализм.

Abstract: In an ultra-modern society of the Western type, political processes are characterized by a significant gap between the political elites and the bulk of the population. In these conditions, the masses of voters do not accept the decisions of the authorities and feel cut off from the political process. Significant disagreements on basic issues of public life are formed by two parallel political discourses: mass and elite. An attempt by political elites to impose their agenda on the population through the media creates a distrust of politics in general among the population. This problem was comprehended by Donald Trump and used by him to create a fundamentally new strategy of political communication. This strategy is based on the needs of the population; it consists in addressing the voter in his usual language within the framework of his own discourse. This strategy abandons the postmodern understanding of economics and culture as a space of status consumption. It comes from the traditional, classical understanding of economics. The topic presented in this article has a real scientific novelty; it may be of interest to a wide range of theorists and political practitioners.

Key words: Trump’s strategy, political communication, anomie, neocapitalism.

HEURISTIC POTENTIAL OF TRUMP’S STRATEGY IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION

 

  1. Introduction. Donald Trump’s victory in the 2016 US presidential election, election in 2024, as well as his defeat in 2020, were both sensational events and attracted the attention of political communications specialists. Trump managed to correctly apply electoral technologies and build the necessary communication with the voter. However, the true depth of Trump’s strategy can only be understood if it is viewed in relation to the fundamental economic changes that are taking place in a super-modern society. The practices of politicians are an expression of the economic interests of the groups they actually represent. The actual actions of politicians can be very different from their declarations. Here it is appropriate to refer to Lasswell’s theory of democratic elitism, which proved the inevitability of the phenomenon of the political elite as a special class in a democratic society. For obvious reasons, representatives of the political elite tend to cooperate with representatives of other typesлит of elite – industrial, media, and scientific. This phenomenon contributes to the gap between the representatives of the political elite and the masses of the population represented by them. The existence of various types of lobby enforcement agencies is a formalization of such cooperation. The list of major social and political problems that concern the population differs significantly from the list that concerns political elites. Uncontrolled migration is viewed by the population as a problem, and by political elites as an opportunity to use cheap labor. Economic development issues are viewed by the population from the perspective of maintaining the level of employment and wages, while economic and political elites may be interested in transferring production to third world countries to maximize profits.

These circumstances contribute to the formation of a sense of alienation from the political process among the population, politicians seem to be people far from life, their actions can cause misunderstanding and irritation. The written phenomenon of alienation forms the electoral basis for a fundamentally new strategy, based on the needs and perceptions of the population, which will be considered in this study.

  1. Methodological foundations of the study.

In assessing political communication, we start from the analysis of economic interests as the main vector, that sets the direction for all types of policies. For this reason, the main issue of the presented theoretical research is to reveal the essence of political communication with the population, built by D. Trump, in the context of fundamental economic changes. To find the answer to this question, we used the method of theoretical synthesis and reconstruction of the concept. From the point of view of epistemology, the methodological orientation of the presented research is interpretativism. From the point of view of ontology, the methodological orientations of research are nominalism and constructivism. The theoretical basis of the research is the author’s neo-Marxist concept of neocapitalism. In this study, we reject the traditional view of populism [9] as a momentary, superficial, one that does not take into account the role of fundamental socio-economic changes in shaping political communication.

  1. Supernova economy as a factor of change in politics.

First of all, it is necessary to consider the fundamental economicе processes that have become the environment for implementing Trump’s communication strategy. In many studies, one can find the idea of reorienting the economy from the sphere of production to consumption. The concept of consumer societies has been around for more than a hundred years, and it has only been developing in the last decade. Similarly, this idea is expressed in the works of D. V. Ivanov, who created the concepts of «glem-capitalism» and «alter-capitalism» [4]. Ivanov’s works well describe all the symptoms of a supernova economy, which passes from the consumptionя of goods and services to the predominant consumption of statuses. From a slightly different perspective, the supernova economy is considered in the book «The Theory of Aesthetic Capitalism» [2] by Gernot Boehme, who notes the increasing importance of creatingя images and impressions in the economy. However, these concepts list well the symptoms of a supernovaой economy, but do not address the fundamentalе causes of its appearance. To do this, we will attempt to reveal the essence of the supernova economy and the mechanisms of its functioning. A feature of the economy of a super-modern society is the orientation of consumers towards symbolic consumption. Things are purchased by customers not because they are needed or because the old ones have fallen into disrepair, but because the purchased item emphasizes the status of the owner. The buyer wants to look good in the eyes be fashionable, rich, and sporty. It is the desire to create such an image that pushes the consumer to purchase things. Here it is worth noting that fashion trends, brands and trends are constantly changing. Next year, the purchased item will no longer be new, its monetary and symbolic value will decrease. This creates the phenomenon of supernova poverty, since the constant purchase of prestigious items is too burdensome for any consumer. As a result, a representative of the middle class constantly feels insufficiently financially secure, because he cannot afford high-status consumption. This problem is not just a temporary phenomenon, but indicates a fundamental change in the formation. Classical capitalism, which was focused on satisfying human needs, is no longer there. A new formation is neocapitalism, which is focused on creating human needs for profit [8]. Status consumption becomes the center and meaning of economic life.

The change in formation could not but affect all spheres of public life. People’s focus on status consumption contributes to the spread of consumerism as a value and the weakening of traditional values. Neocapitalist orientations also permeate politics. If in the era of classical capitalism, a politician expressed the economic interests of a certain group, then in the era of neocapitalism, a politician has a symbolic value similar to the value of a commodity. The voter essentially votes for the information image of the politician, which is identified with various positive qualities. Economic interests become secondary to the image of a politician.

The considered changes in the economy predetermined changes in politics. However, such a «virtual» policy is poorly suited for solving real and specific problems of the population. This сcircumstance creates prospects for the emergence of a fundamentally different type of political strategy.

  1. Trump’s Strategy: antagonism between the people and the elite.

The political elite, as a part of the elite, generally tends to broadcast an elitist agenda and bind an elitist discourse. If the representation of politicians is based on ideology and values, then the population is concerned about real economic problems. Here we are talking not only about the phenomenon of supernova poverty, but also about poverty in its traditional sense — the loss of jobs, the growing polarization between the poor and the rich.

As a result, the narrative that political parties transmit to the information space is increasingly slipping into the realm of ideology and demagoguery. A vivid example of this is the current policy of the US Democratic Party. This was especially evident during the BLM protests. Many politicians from this party are now trying to create an image of themselves as fighters for the rights of the oppressed. At the same time, the real cause of popular discontent — social and economic inequality is being replacedеby fictitious reasons, that are more convenient for the political elite.

Another example of an elitist view of political discourse is E. Makron’s book «Revolution» [7], in which this type of discourse is structured more systematically. Witham, the concept of «democratic revolution» is, obviously, logically incorrect. In Makron’s book, you can find high-sounding arguments about civilization, history, and the role of France in the world. However, potential voters will not find recipes for solving economic problems and improving their lives in this book.  Makron reflects on the reconciliation of the local and global trends, оbut with his position, this reconciliation means the victory of the global over the local. People’s fears about the influx of migrants and the loss of jobs as a result of globalization are declared empty fears. ОHowever, for the average voter, such fears are increasingly becoming facts of everyday life, a practice, that refutes the liberal theory.

These trends contribute to the fact that representatives of the political elite are increasingly separated from their constituents. Representatives of the elite declare the need for equality, the fight against oppression, the protection of disadvantaged groups and democratization. In the political discourse of the US Democratic Party, we can observe increasingly leftistе trends, which are reflected even in the transition from traditionalх liberal ideas to neosocialist ones. As Mark Levin points out, «In America, many Marxists disguise themselves as ‘progressives, »democratic socialists,’ ‘social activists,’ and ‘community rights activists,’ and so on, because the majority of Americans remain openly hostile to Marxism» [6, p.2]. American politicians of the left position themselves as fighters for the needs of the people. However, they remain deaf to the economic needs of the population. The political views and assessments of the mass voter are more conservative and poorly correspond to the views of representatives of the ruling class.

The obvious gap between the political discourse of the common people and the political discourse of the elite is exploited by right-wing conservatives, whose ideas are closer and more understandable to the common people. For this reason, right-wing conservatives in North America and Europe are often accused of populism, even though they essentially perform the main function of a politician-representing the interests of certain groups of the population in power.

Right-wing conservative Donald Trump went further and built his strategy of political communication with the population, based on fundamental economic changes. Trump’s strategy essentially ignores the symbolic component and addresses directly the economic and social needs of large populations. Of course, Trump has a symbolic image in the media, but стратегия Trump’s communication strategy goes in the opposite direction of all neocapitalism, operating in the paradigm of classical capitalism.

To build communication with voters, Trump used Twitter and other channels that were independent of television, controlled by representatives of the political and financial elite. Trump’s strategy has produced significant results and has contributed to the growth of his popularity. The stream of negative and critical statements that most of the TV channels brought down on Trump only contributed to an even greater increase in his popularity. For the common people, he has become their own person, who expresses the right ideas and for this is attacked by the elite. This strategy was categorically at odds with the usual approach of presidential candidates to building their election campaign. As Kranish and Fischer have pointed out, «it, was surreal to see what Trump’s campaign for the Republican candidate, was approaching» [5, p.309].

This type of communication ignores traditional institutions of interaction with mass audiences and thus avoids institutional filters.  A politician who follows the traditional path, would have to win the favor of the media, go through successive stages of party selection, and seek approval from various experts. This procedure puts a certain stamp on the image and actions of the politician, making him more integrated into the overall political system.

In addition to creating an image of a fighter for the protection of the economic interests of voters, Trump managed to correctly use existing concerns and advocates that are related to religious and national issues. In his speeches, Trump «negatively evaluated immigration, often using the term «illegal», discussing the potential negative consequences of an open immigration policy (USA author’s note) [1, p.5]. In his addresses to religious voters, Trump closely linked issues of politics and religion, referring to evangelical quotes in his interpretation — «promising blessings for the nation for fulfilling its duty to protect freedom and justice» [10, p.150].  Such statements have given Trump as many votes as his economic program, since the traditional discourse of the American political elite presupposes maximum tolerance and оrejection of any protectionism towards its own population.

It should be noted, that the concept of «innovation» has become characteristic of the entire presidential campaign and the entire presidential board of the Trump. This was noted by Michael Wolf in his book » Fire and Fury: Inside the Trump White House «, «almost no one in the Trump administration could predict, how the president would react to a certain event, or whether there would be a reaction from him at all» [11, p. 184].

The international policy of Trump has also become innovative. Its main goal was to abandon the role of a global hegemon, which shouldно have freed up forces and resources to protect the interests of American business and the American population. Many experts confirm that Trump’s international policy was based on economic interests. In particular, John Bolton, in his book «The Room where it Happened » [3], argues, that if most of the US administration in relations with China was concerned about the growing economic, growing military power of China and the potential deployment of new military bases by this state, Trump was concerned before total trade balance. He approached the trade deficit as if he were reading the corporate balance sheet: a trade deficit meant we were losing, and a trade surplus meant we were winning. Tariffs will reduce imports and increase America’s government revenue.

This approach helped to build more constructive and open relations between the United States and other countries, but it was categorically disliked by the American elite, who were more likely to lose money than the honorary title of world hegemon».

In general, Trump’s strategy is to return politics to its original functions, fight for the interests and guardians, and free politics from empty politicking.

  1. Conclusion. The considered strategyрампа has a huge heuristic potential, since it allows us to consider the essence of the processes taking place in world politics, to distinguish the important from the secondary. In addition, Trump’s strategy can be effectively applied by politicians in any Western-type country. The success phenomenon of strategists and Trump proves and justifies the existence of neocapitalism and the role of anomie in a super-modern society. This is a particular example of the manifestation of a fundamental global trend in the formation of a fundamentally new type of economy, which predetermines social and economic processes in the society of the XXI century.

It should also be noted, that leading scientists and teachers of elite universities are also the — scientific elite and occupy a certain place in the elite кas such. This fact indicates, that political experts and scientists are also not free from certain prejudices, that prevent an objective assessment of political processes. Scientists creates theories, to use as a research tool. However, the paradigm itself determines the views of the scientist. It turns out the opposite situation, when a scientist becomes an instrument of the development paradigm.  The Tramp strategy in this case is a good reason to reevaluate the prevailing views on populism as a purely negative phenomenon.

 

Literature

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